1. For the text of the third stage of Charles V's Grandes Chroniques , see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:180-360. For a discussion of these events, see Cazelles, Société politique . . . Jean le Bon et Charles V; Calmette, Charles V; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , vol. 5.

2. The text in this section of the Grandes Chroniques is so detailed that subsequent copies of the chronicle contain an abridged version, omitting from the description of the emperor's visit chapters 62-65, the second half of 66, and 67-79 of the life of Charles V. They also omit chapter 89, the transcription of the testimony of Jacques la Rue, who confessed to an attempt to poison Charles V. Delachenal notes some, but not all, of these textual omissions. Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:239, 289.

3. For a discussion of the importance of homage to the Capetian and Valois kings, see Michel Gavrilovitch, Étude sur la traité de Paris de 1259 entre Louis IX, roi de France, et Henri III, roi d'Angleterre , Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes-Études, 125 fasc. (Paris, 1899), 49-53; and Eugène Déprez, Les préliminaires de la Guerre de Cent Ans: La papauté, la France et l'Angleterre 1328-1342 , Bibliothèque des Écoles français d'Athènes et de Rome, fasc. 86 (Paris, 1902), 1-82; Georges Cuttino, English Medieval Diplomacy (Bloomington, 1985); Pierre Chaplais, "Le duché-pairie de Guyenne: L'hommage et les services féodaux de 1259 à 1303," Annales du midi 69 (1957): 5-38; and idem, "Le duché-pairie de Guyenne: L'hommage et les services féodaux de 1303 à 1337," Annales du midi 70 (1958): 135-60.

4. Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis , quoted by Gavrilovitch, Étude , 49.

5. Chaplais, "1259 à 1303"; idem, "1303 à 1377". The homage before Philip IV is the most common representation of this ceremony in copies of the Grandes Chroniques . It occurs in 31 of the illuminated copies that I consulted. To my knowledge, no other manuscript pictures Henry III's homage before Saint Louis. Only two other royal manuscripts (B.N. fr. 10135 and B.L. Royal 20 C VII) include the homage of Edward III before Philip of Valois as the miniature for chapter 6 of Philip of Valois's life. In addition a small group of manuscripts with related iconography (B.N. fr. 2606; B.L. Add. 15269; Oxford, Douce 217; and Guildhall 244) begin the life of Philip of Valois with a scene of homage. The moment of the ceremony chosen in these images of homage varies, ranging from the osculum , or kiss; to variants of the immixtio manuum; to transitional movements (for instance, advancing toward the king, extending a hand, or beginning to kneel). As we shall see, some of these pictures are comparable to the smaller images of homage appearing in the lives of Saint Louis and Philip of Valois in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques , but none are as detailed as the two-column miniature in Charles V's manuscript.

6. For a discussion of Philip of Valois's summons to the English king, see Chaplais, "1303 à 1337," 159.

7. Paris, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 6:192-93; Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 3:xi; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Thomas, "La visite," 88.

8. For the full text of the added treaty, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:208-16.

9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.

10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break

11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.

9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.

10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break

11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.

9. For the text of the letter from Edward III to Philip of Valois, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:101-4.

10. "Adonc fist le roy d'Angleterre hommage au roy de France, en la forme et manière que contenu est en la chartre seellée du seel du roy d'Angleterre dont la teneur s'ensuit." Ibid., 101. break

11. "Comment le roy d'Angleterre se mist en mer pour venir en la cité d'Amiens ou le Roy d'Angleterre dessus dit devoit faire hommage au roy de France de la duchié d'Aquitaine et de la conté de Pontieu comme homme du roy de France." Ibid., 99. The portion of the rubric that I have italicized was crossed out in red in the manuscript and is omitted from the critical edition.

12. Le Goff has studied the ritual of homage from an anthropological perspective, and although he points out that no medieval documents interpret the role of homage symbolically, he isolates components of the ritual: the homage (a verbal expression of willingness to serve and the immixtio manuum ), the fealty (an oath), and the investiture of the fief (the presentation by the lord to the vassal of a symbolic object). He analyzes the immixtio manuum, osculum , and investiture in terms of the relationship that they embody between lord and vassal. He concludes that the immixtio manuum creates an unequal relationship between lord and vassal, the osculum makes them equal, and the investiture involves the lord and vassal in a reciprocal arrangement. See Jacques le Goff, "The Symbolic Ritual of Vassalage," in Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages , trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1980), 237-87.

13. Several of the detached drawings in Gaignières's copy (B.N. fr. 20082) are reproduced by Sherman, Portraits , pls. 28-30.

14. The English arms ( three gold leopards passant on a red ground ) include leopards without crowns in every other copy of the Grandes Chroniques that illustrates arms. The traditional English heraldry also appears in Charles V's book in the illustration of the Great Feast, the only miniature besides the pictures of homage to include the English arms.

15. The ceremony of liege homage described by the letter of 1331 can be contrasted with a letter of 1329, describing the simple homage actually performed at Amiens in 1329, reproduced in Rymer and Sanderson, comps., Foedera , 2, pt. 2:765.

16. "Et me samble que li rois Edouwars d'Engleterre fist adonc hommage, de bouce et de parolle tant seulement, sans les mains mettre entre les mains dou roi de France, ou prince ou prelat deputé de par lui." Jean Froissart, Chronique de Froissart , ed. Simeon Luce (Paris, 1869), 1, pt. 2:95.

17. "Car jà murmuroient li pluiseur en Engleterre que leurs sires estoit plus proçains de l'iretage de France que li rois Phelippes." Ibid., 97.

Recent research by Palmer has made interpretation of these passages and analysis of Froissart's work as a whole more difficult. Palmer demonstrates that all existing manuscripts of Froissart's chronicle contain references to historical events that date their composition to the 1390s at the earliest. In addition, he shows that no purely first or second editions of the text exist; each manuscript contains a mixture of what may originally have been first and second redactions. Until further research is accomplished, we will not know with certainty whether the passage on homage was present in the earliest redaction, presumably identical to that given to the English queen in 1361. It is likely that this passage was part of the original version. The text on homage appears in each version of the chronicle except the Amiens manuscript (which Palmer has shown was edited to be pro-French and whose authenticity as a work of Froissart's needs further exploration). The version in the manuscript in Amiens states simply that Edward paid homage: "Et fist là li roys d'Engleterre hommage au roy de Franche de la conté de Ponthieu qu'il tenoit, et de la terre de Gascoingne de tout ce qu'il en appertenoit au roy."

See J[ohn] J[oseph] N[orman] Palmer, "Book I (1325-78) and its Sources," in Froissart: Historian , ed. J.J.N. Palmer (Totowa, N.J., 1981), 7-24; and, for the text of the version of the chronicle in Amiens, Baron J.B.M.C. Kervyn de Lettenhove, OEvres * de Froissart (1876; reprint Osnabruck, 1967), 2:231.

16. "Et me samble que li rois Edouwars d'Engleterre fist adonc hommage, de bouce et de parolle tant seulement, sans les mains mettre entre les mains dou roi de France, ou prince ou prelat deputé de par lui." Jean Froissart, Chronique de Froissart , ed. Simeon Luce (Paris, 1869), 1, pt. 2:95.

17. "Car jà murmuroient li pluiseur en Engleterre que leurs sires estoit plus proçains de l'iretage de France que li rois Phelippes." Ibid., 97.

Recent research by Palmer has made interpretation of these passages and analysis of Froissart's work as a whole more difficult. Palmer demonstrates that all existing manuscripts of Froissart's chronicle contain references to historical events that date their composition to the 1390s at the earliest. In addition, he shows that no purely first or second editions of the text exist; each manuscript contains a mixture of what may originally have been first and second redactions. Until further research is accomplished, we will not know with certainty whether the passage on homage was present in the earliest redaction, presumably identical to that given to the English queen in 1361. It is likely that this passage was part of the original version. The text on homage appears in each version of the chronicle except the Amiens manuscript (which Palmer has shown was edited to be pro-French and whose authenticity as a work of Froissart's needs further exploration). The version in the manuscript in Amiens states simply that Edward paid homage: "Et fist là li roys d'Engleterre hommage au roy de Franche de la conté de Ponthieu qu'il tenoit, et de la terre de Gascoingne de tout ce qu'il en appertenoit au roy."

See J[ohn] J[oseph] N[orman] Palmer, "Book I (1325-78) and its Sources," in Froissart: Historian , ed. J.J.N. Palmer (Totowa, N.J., 1981), 7-24; and, for the text of the version of the chronicle in Amiens, Baron J.B.M.C. Kervyn de Lettenhove, OEvres * de Froissart (1876; reprint Osnabruck, 1967), 2:231.

18. Palmer, "Book I," xviii. For the chronicle of Jean le Bel, see le Bel, Chronique . break

19. For a full transcription of the description of Charles V's speech and an outline of its relationship to marginal annotations and to substituted texts and miniatures, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 116-17.

20. "Et encores detient en tres grant contempt et mesprisement du Roy et de sa souveraineté, et en actemptant et entreprenant contre ycelles souverainetez." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:99.

21. "Nota qu'il les fist mourir."

22. "Les fist prendre et murtrier mauvaisement, contre Dieu et justice, et en offense du Roy et du royaume de France." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:254.

23. Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 9:71-72.

24. The group of courtly manuscripts that copy Charles V's chronicle does not even include a miniature for the beginning of the life of Philip of Valois. This group raises the question of whether Charles V's Grandes Chroniques had a miniature before this new leaf was substituted. For this group of closely related manuscripts, see Chapter 8 in this book.

25. Charles V's Grandes Chroniques alone includes as the first chapter's heading, "Le premier chapitre. Comment Philippe conte de Valois ot le gouvernement du royaume et de son courronnement." More frequently, the first chapter's rubric is "Le premier chapitre parle des questions auquel devoit estre commis le gouvernement du royaume." The latter rubric was omitted from the critical editions of Delachenal and Paris.

No surviving manuscripts predate Charles V's Grandes Chroniques and end with the life of Philip of Valois. Nevertheless, several later manuscripts contain evidence for the existence of a version of the Grandes Chroniques terminating with the life of Philip of Valois. Both B.N. fr. 17270 and B.N. fr. 10135 close in 1350, and B.N. fr. 20350, though continuing through the life of Charles V to the coronation of Charles VI, ends the life of Philip of Valois with the rubric, "Ci fenissent les croniques de France." See Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition , 122.

26. The fourth insert comprises a full-page frontispiece with six scenes, a short prefatory paragraph, and an author portrait of a monk. For the text, see Viard, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 7:25.

27. For Philip of Valois's and John the Good's use of Saint Louis, see text pages 63-68.

28. Sherman, "The Queen," 257 n. 5.

29. Charles may have been spurred to commission this group of tombs by his father. In his testament, made when he was dying in London in 1364, John the Good ordered that he be buried in Saint-Denis: "Nous ordenons et elisons nostre sépulture en l'église de Mons. Saint Denis en France au lieu et place ou noz devanciers Roys de France l'ont acoustumé à estre." For this, see Germain Bapst, Testament du roi Jean le Bon et inventaire de ses joyaux (Paris, 1884), 14.

30. See Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 4:532. For the question of the age of Saint Louis at his majority, see Olivier-Martin, Études sur les régences , 78.

31. Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 4:533. Delachenal loosely translates the Latin passage dealing with Saint Louis as follows:

C'est en traits indélébiles, dit le Roi, que reste gravé dans notre coeur * l'exemple de notre saint aïeul et prédécesseur, notre patron, notre défenseur et notre special seigneur, le bienheureux Louis, fleur, honneur, lumière, et miroir, non seulement de la race royale, mais de tous les français, dont la mémoire est en benediction et vivra à jamais de cet homme qui, par une protection divine, n'a été touché par la contagion d'aucune faute mortelle et a gouverné de façon si exemplaire son royaume et l'état que ses actes, objet de l'admiration du monde tant que le soleil suivra sa route dans le ciel, doivent inspirer notre conduite et celle de nos successors, de façon que sa vie soit pour nous un constant enseignement. break

Descent from Saint Louis remained a popular theme in Valois programs throughout the reigns of the last Valois kings at the end of the fifteenth century. During this late period it found expression in public celebrations rather than chronicle illustration or political treatises. For example, tableaux vivants in royal entries often depicted a royal version of the tree of Jesse, with Saint Louis as originator of the line. For studies of royal entries, see Bernard Guenée and Françoise Lehoux, Les entrées royales françaises de 1328 à 1515 (Paris, 1968); and Lawrence Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance , Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, no. 216 (Geneva, 1986). For a discussion of the popularity of Saint Louis in the late fifteenth century, see Hindman and Spiegel, "Fleur-de-lis Frontispiece," 381-407.

32. Written early in the fourteenth century, Saint-Pathus's text focuses exclusively on the youth and charitable acts of Saint Louis as pictured in the frontispiece. The eleventh chapter discusses his charity toward the poor and the sick and his care for the dead and cites among other examples Saint Louis's custom of washing the feet of several poor monks each Saturday, his kindness toward the leper monk of Royaumont, and his burial of the decomposed bodies at Sidon. Chapter 14 describes Louis's penitence and cites as one instance his submission to scourging by his confessor. The Vie de Saint Louis by Guillaume de Saint-Pathus established the order of the pictures in the frontispiece. See Saint-Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis , 80, 94-95, 99-102, 122-23. The illustrations of Saint Louis's care for the leper of Royaumont, Saint Louis washing the feet of the poor, the burial of the Crusaders' bones at Sidon, and Saint Louis's submission to scourging by his confessor are identical in iconography to many Capetian images. The iconography of the miniature depicting the education of Saint Louis, to be discussed below, is not as close. For these Capetian commissions see Chapter 1, note 9. The Vie de Saint Louis does not describe the birth of Louis IX. To my knowledge, no other commission based on Saint-Pathus's text illustrates this scene.

33. Sherman, "The Queen," 262, 291-93.

34. Cf. B.N. fr. 20350, fols. 412v and 487; and B.L. Sloane 2433, vol. C, fols. 128v and 137, which represent the baptisms of the dauphin and of Louis, duke of Orléans, in identical fashion. See also B.L. Royal 20 C VII, fols. 172 and 189, which leave a blank for the baptism of Charles VI and include an image of the nativity of Louis, duke of Orléans. To my knowledge the only manuscript that illustrates the baptism of Charles VI and does not include an illustration of his brother's birth or baptism is B.N. fr. 2608, a manuscript based on Charles V's, whose arms suggest that it belonged to Charles VI before passing into the collection of John, duke of Berry, who signed it.

35. For a description of this manuscript from Charles V's library, see Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 81; and Thomas, "L'iconographie," 209-31.

36. The issue of the proper education of a prince, important to Charles V, was the subject of literary discussion during his son's reign. Philip de Mézières, appointed tutor to the dauphin by Charles V, expressed his own views on the education of princes in a book, Le songe du vieil pelerin , addressed to the young Charles VI in the 1390s. It stresses the importance of education as one of many themes and cites Louis IX and Charles V as two kings who took an active role in educating themselves and their children. A second text to laud Charles V is Christine de Pizan's Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roi Charles V , commissioned by Charles's brother Philip the Bold of Burgundy in 1404. This eulogistic biography puts great stress on the king's intellectual accomplishments and his good government. Numerous books, sermons, and letters written by members of the court and university community during the last portion of the fourteenth century and the early fifteenth century focus, as do Philip de Mézières's and Christine de Pizan's works, on the important problem of a prince's education. For discussion of these texts and of the ideal education for a prince in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and for reference to the influence of the models of Saint Louis and Charles V, see Krynen, Idéal du prince , continue

230; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 5:59-62. For the text, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:193-277.

37. The subcycle dealing with the emperor's visit has been discussed by Thomas, "La visite"; Sherman, Portraits , 42; Krynen, Idéal du prince , 230; and Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 5:59-62. For the text, see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:193-277.

38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII ^e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.

39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.

40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.

41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.

42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.

For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.

38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII ^e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.

39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.

40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.

41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.

42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.

For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.

38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII ^e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.

39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.

40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.

41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.

42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.

For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.

38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII ^e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.

39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.

40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.

41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.

42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.

For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.

38. "Et, pour ce que de coustume l'Empereur dit la VII ^e leçon à matines, revestus de ses habiz et enseignes imperiaulz, il fu advisé par les gens du Roy que, ou royaume, ne le pourroit il faire, ne souffert ne li seroit." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:199.

39. For these illustrations of the imperial ceremony, see ibid., 4:pls. xxxii-xxxiii.

40. Reproduced in ibid., pls. xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii.

41. For the text describing the entry of the emperor, see ibid., 210-19. Sherman, Portraits , 43 n. 3, was the first to discuss the crown as an extratextual detail.

42. "Et ainsi alerent sanz grant presse . . . jusques au hault dayz de la table de marbre, et fu l'ordenance et l'asiette tele comme il s'ensuit, et comme il est figuré en l'ystoire, ci après pourtraite et ymaginée." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:235-36. For the full text of the chapter, see ibid., 236-44.

For previous discussions of this miniature, see Laura Hibbard Loomis, "Secular Dramatics in the Royal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389 and Chaucer's 'Tregetoures,'" Speculum 33 (1958): 242-55; David A. Bullough, "Games People Played: Drama and Ritual as Propaganda in Medieval Europe," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 24 (1974): 97-122; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Librairie , 112; and Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France , 104.

43. For an account of Godfrey of Bouillon, see John Andressohn, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (1947; reprint Freeport, 1972); Jacques A. S. Collin de Plancy, Godefroid de Bouillon, croniques et légendes du temps des deux premières croisades 1095-1180 (Brussels, 1842); idem, La chronique de Godefroid de Bouillon (Paris, 1853).

44. See Charles W. David, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), for a description of Robert of Normandy's role in the First Crusade.

Fourteenth-century accounts of the capture of Jerusalem do not describe the English king as being (or having been) present. For instance, a manuscript of the Roman de Godefroi de Bouillon dated 1337 that compiles the first and second cycles of the crusades (B.N. fr. 22495) specifies who was with Godfrey: "asses tost empres le duc entrent eu li cuens de flandres, li ducs de normandie, Tancred le vailla[n]s, hue li cuens de saint-paul, bauduin de borc, Gascel de bediers & mainte autre bon chevalier que l'en ne peust pas toz nommer" (fol. 70). For this manuscript, see Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du gothique , 410, no. 350.

45. The English king's presence was noted as anachronistic by Loomis, "Secular Dramatics," 251. However, she viewed the inclusion of the English king, whom she identified as Richard the Lionheart from the Third Crusade, as a mistake occasioned by the influence of "a familiar representation of the Pas Saladin ." I believe that the fidelity with which extratextual detail is presented in this manuscript makes her interpretation unlikely. Loomis's own observation (based on a comparison of the description of the play in 1378 with a description of a play of the Pas Saladin [1389] in Froissart's chronicle) that the same set may have been used in both plays supports an interpretation of the details in the miniature as realistic.

46. "Et fist le roy faire à propos ceste histoire, que il lui sembloit que devant plus grans en la Chrestienté ne povoit on ramentevoir, ne donner exemple, de plus notable fait, ne à gens qui mieulx peussent, deussent et feussent tenus tele chose faire et entreprendre, ou service de Dieu." Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:238-40; cited in Bullough, "Games," 100.

47. For a discussion of the attitudes of Charles V and Edward III to crusading, see Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades 1095-1588 (Chicago, 1988), 288-94.

48. See text pages 107-109. break

49. Other anachronisms—the use of the arms of Jerusalem, which were not yet extant at the time of the First Crusade, and the representation of a crowned Godfrey before he had captured the city and been crowned—might be caused by a need to identify Godfrey with an attribute of kingship (a crown) and reference to his domain (Jerusalem).

50. For the speech given by Charles before the emperor, see text pages 121-22.

51. The county of Auvergne was made a "duché-pairie" and given to John of Berry in 1360, and Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy became count of Flanders when he married Margaret of Flanders in 1369. For these, see Raoul de Warren, "Les pairs de France sous l'ancien régime," Les cahiers nobles 15 (1958): nos. 5, 28. For the role of the dukes of Berry and Burgundy in the protocol of the state visit see Delachenal, ed., Grandes Chroniques , 2:203-4 (they head the delegation sent to greet the emperor when he arrives on French soil), 221 (they are in a privileged position in the state entry into Paris), 236-37 (they are among those who sit with the dauphin at the state dinner), and 193-274 passim .